Per i governi dei paesi membri del consiglio di cooperazione degli Stati arabi del Golfo. Voor de Regeringen van de landen die partij zijn bij het Handvest van de Raad voor Samenwerking van de Arabische Golfstaten. They express the wish to see this work rapidly finished so that such Convention can soon enter into force. Both sides welcome the fact that the Member States of the European Community and the Member States of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf shall, pending the conclusion of the EAD Convention concerning the reciprocal promotion and protection of investments, use their best endeavours to apply in their mutual investment policies the orientations upheld during the negotiations of that Convention.
The Contracting Parties agree that the objective of the agreement referred to in Article 11 2 is the expansion of trade by appropriate measures to improve the access of each Party's exports to the other Party's market and to liberalize their bilateral trade.
The European Community has expressed its readiness to examine the possibility of negotiating the agreement referred to in paragraph 1 provided that the entry into force of this Agreement is not jeopardized and that the Contracting Parties find solutions enabling the following conditions to be met:.
The Contracting Parties agree to enter into talks, as of the signature of this Agreement, to examine whether the conditions set out in paragraph 2 can be met, so as to enable them to open the formal negotiations. Prior to the formal opening of the negotiations of the agreement referred to in paragraph 1, the Contracting Parties shall make appropriate arrangements in order not to aggravate existing barriers trade between them, nor to create new barriers as of such opening date. The Contracting Parties undertake to promote, in particular in the context of the GATT multilateral negotiations, joint actions to bring about a multilateral reduction of customs duties applicable to petrochemicals.
Declaration of the European Economic Community concerning paragraph 4 of the Joint Declaration concerning Article 11 2. The European Economic Community hereby declares that nothing in paragraph 4 of the Joint Declaration concerning Article 11 2 , annexed to the Cooperation Agreement, shall prevent the Community from taking any measures in conformity with GATT and in particular from taking any measures concerning the advantages accorded under the provisions of the generalized system of preferences.
According to Article 11 3 of the Cooperation Agreement, the Contracting Parties accord each other most-favoured-nation treatment.
Since the Agreement does not specify the nature of such treatment, it is necessary to define the same as follows:. The most-favoured-nation treatment accorded by the Contracting Parties shall be given with regard to imported and exported goods in all matters relating to:.
As far as the Community is concerned, imports into Spain and Portugal shall be subject to the provisions of 12 June Act of Accession of those countries to the Community. These provisions shall apply without prejudice to the rights and obligations with exist under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. I would be grateful if you would acknowledge receipt of this letter and confirm the agreement of your Governments with its contents. On behalf of the Council the European Communities.
I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of today's date concerning Article 11 3 of the Cooperation Agreement which reads as follows:. These provisions shall apply without prejudice to the rights and obligations which exist under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
I have the honour to inform you that the Governments of the GCC countries are in agreement with the contents of your letter. On behalf of the Governments of the GCC countries. I have the honour to inform you of the following declaration by the Governments of the GCC countries on Article 19 of the Cooperation Agreement:.
The GCC countries will ensure that such laws and regulations are applied in such a way as to ensure compliance with Article 16 of the Agreement.
In your letter of today's date you communicate to me a declaration by your Governments on Article 19 of the Cooperation Agreement. I have the honour to inform you of the following declaration by the European Economic Community on Article 19 of the Agreement:. The European Economic Community expects the principles set out in the Agreement, including those in Article 19 of the Agreement, to be put into full application.
The European Economic Community considers, in particular, that the application of the principle of non-discrimination should ensure the correct and smooth application of the Agreement.
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The Contracting Parties hereby agree that the main objectives of this Cooperation Agreement are as follows: a to strengthen relations between the European Economic Community, on the one hand, and the GCC countries, on the other, by placing them in an institutional and contractual framework; b to broaden and consolidate their economic and technical cooperation relations and also cooperation in energy, industry, trade and services, agriculture, fisheries, investment, science, technology and environment, on mutually advantageous terms, taking into account the differences in levels of development of the Parties; c to help strengthen the process of economic development and diversification of the GCC countries and so reinforce the role of the GCC in contributing to peace and stability in the region.
Econmic cooperation Article 2 In the light of their mutual interests and in accordance with their long-term economic objectives, the Contracting Parties undertake to establish within the limits of their competence, the broadest possible economic cooperation from which no field shall be excluded in advance.
Thus, the relationship of Yakub Bey with Istanbul was as well a part of this ruler's plan to further his own dynastic interests, one facet of the new global Islamic movement, and a natural consequence of the historical ties of Central Asia to the Ottoman state.
Finally, it must be regarded also as part of Yakub Bey's effort to secure legitimacy for his authority directly from the Caliphate, which had acquired such a distinctive political position in the eyes of the Muslims. The part played by each of these considerations will become evident if Yakub Bey's embassy to Istanbul is studied in some detail, based on a rather close scrutiny of the relevant Ottoman documents.
That Yakub Bey's foreign policy was such an artful mixture of useful elements must to a large extent be credited to Yakub Tore Khan, who was its main devisor and operator. Yakub Khan appears to have been altogether a remarkable personality.
He seems to have put aside any personal ambition and served Yakub Bey faithfully, although by descent and in learning and experience he was far superior to his master, who was more interested in deciding outstanding issues on the battlefield than at the diplomatic table.
For example, Yakub Bey isolated and treated rather harshly the first British representative who came to meet him and failed altogether to meet with Douglas Forsyth. Although he was campaigning at the time, in view of the potential benefit to be drawn from the encounter he should have managed to see the Englishman.
Yakub Khan apparently did not regard Kashgar solely as the private preserve of his ruler's dynasty but, rather, saw it also as a rising Muslim nation-state with ties to the wider Muslim and Turkic worlds. The first notable encounter between Yakub Bey and the Ottoman authorities was, as mentioned, in , when Yakub Tore Khan went to Istanbul.
There is no evidence available yet to show that Yakub Khan sought official contact with the Ottoman government representatives at this point, although he apparently established contact with the kapi kethudasi of Kashgar, appreciating his role as intermediary between the sultan and the amir of Kashgar and as a vital link between the Kashgaris and the universal Muslim community headed by the Caliph.
During discussions with the Muslims in Mecca, in the Ottoman capital, in India, and even in Russia, all of which he visited on diplomatic missions, Yakub Khan seems to have become aware of the rising political consciousness of the Muslim masses. During his stay in India, where he was stationed as Atalik's permanent representative in , he witnessed first hand the rising pro-caliph sentiment. All this seemed to have strengthened further his conviction that the pan- Islamic movement could somehow save his master.
Yakub Khan had previously been in Istanbul as the emissary of Alim Kul, the army commander of Kokand, before the fall of Tashkent in He spent considerable time in the capital, seeking Ottoman aid against the Russians. At that time he presented the Ottoman government with a memorandum describing the political situation of Central Asia. The visit was made apparently on his. Evidence about the content of Yakub Khan's talks and meetings in Istanbul at this date may exist in the unclassified documents in the Ottoman archives.
One may assume, however, that Yakub Khan knew the climate in the Ottoman state and did his best to plead his master's cause and, upon his return to Kashgar, informed Yakub Bey of the opportunities for help in Istanbul.
The following seems to support this assumption. The first letter addressed officially by Yakub Bey to the Ottoman sultan announcing the dispatch of an emissary is dated October 1 - that is, about three months after Yakub Bey had concluded the agreement with Baron Kaulbars 22 June that gave Russia trading privileges in Kashgar.
Yakub Khan had gone to Russia, visiting Moscow, St. Petersburg, and Odessa, and then hastened to the Ottoman capital, where he arrived in Russia conveniently ignored the fact that it had prepared the ground for a major backlash by occupying and then transforming first Bukhara, and then Khiva into a Russian protectorate, the latter in In his letter, written in Farsi, Yakub Bey stated that he had heard that the sultan had as Caliph dedicated himself to the good of the Muslims and asked to be included among the protected people.
He described himself as having fought for a very long time for Islam and being now prepared to cross the threshold of the sublime office caliphate and to attach himself to the Caliph. Then the letter cautiously pointed out that other details of the mission would be presented orally by Ambassador Seyyid Yakub Efendi Khan. From the correspondence between the office of the Premier Sadaret and the Palace, it appears that Yakub Khan reached Istanbul in Rebiyulewel which fell in summer that year , that he was honored as the house guest by the Caliph and that he requested an immediate interview with the sultan.
There is no written record available concerning the matters discussed privately by the sultan and Yakub Khan, but some piecemeal Ottoman correspondence gives a fairly good idea about the content of these talks. Yakub Khan pledged on behalf of Yakub Bey to bring Kashgar under the suzerainty of the Sultan-Caliph and to read the khutba and mint coins in his name.
In exchange, Yakub Bey had asked the Caliph to confirm him as the legal, bona fides ruler of Kashgar, and the Caliph eventually obliged, giving his confirmation. Apparently the agreement did not become enforceable until the Sultan-Caliph, as the titular master of Kashgar, undertook a concrete action to secure the independence of that area.
This concrete proof of the Caliph's commitment to Kashgar materialized in the form of a military mission, which was charged with the duty of establishing new military units and to train them in modern warfare.
The importance of this Ottoman military-technical aid to Kashgar becomes evident when one considers the fact that the Russian forces easily defeated the Central Asian khanates because the latter used obsolete weapons, adhered to archaic military training, and had deficient commands. The Caliph dispatched to Kashgar a military. The four officers belonged to four different military branches infantry, artillery, construction, etc. The Caliph also sent Yakub Bey letters, gifts, and a medal. The detailed report about the amount of weapons and ammunition and the composition of the Ottoman military mission sent to Yakub Bey is provided in a lengthy report by Captain Ali Kazim, written after he returned safely home.
Eventually the Turkish officers and the weapons reached Yarkand, where they were greeted with joy and honored by a gun-salute. Ali Kazim claimed that he went to work immediately, training first a battalion of artillery, which became very proficient, "like the soldiers of Istanbul," and then a regiment of three thousand men. The officers were first jailed by the Chinese, but ultimately they were released to the custody of the British in India and finally returned to Istanbul to tell the sad story of Yakub Bey's death and the fratricidal struggle among his heirs.
A main concern of this paper is the question of Yakub Bey's search for legitimacy as the ruler of Kashgar. Yakub Bey had earlier assumed the titles of Atalik Gazi and Badevlet, but added the title of Amir emir , indicating that he was subordinate to the sultan in Istanbul after that ruler had confirmed his status in Kashgar.
In a letter of to the sultan, Yakub Bey, now the ruler of Yedishahir seven cities acknowledged with gratitude the receipt of weapons and declared that the help provided by Istanbul had given a new life to the Muslims of Central Asia. Moreover, he stated that he had hoisted the Ottoman flag, read the khutba and minted the coins in the name of the Caliph and expressed his wish that "entire Central Asia shall establish relations with the Caliphate and thus [ The sultan put the issue before the consultative committee, relating at length how Yakub Bey had faithfully read the khutba and minted coins in his, the Caliph's, name and added that the older adult son of Yakub Bey should be authorized to assume the throne with the proviso that this would be beneficial to the population and the future of the emirate.
He also advised Yakub Bey to treat the population well, to develop agriculture, education, science, industry, roads, and to open new fields of activity according to the ability and aptitudes of the population and to establish peaceful relations with his neighbors. On 30 May Sultan Abdulaziz, who had sent the military to help Yakub Bey, was replaced as sultan by Murad V, the top aides who had been responsible for much of the correspondence with Yakub Bey apparently having become disenchanted with his autocratic rule.
Three months later, on 31 August , Murad V, who showed signs of mental unbalance, was in turn replaced by Abdulhamid II The political climate in Istanbul appeared to change drastically with the enthronement of Abdulhamid II. The Ottoman court had dispatched an embassy to Kashgar shortly before Abdulhamid's ascendancy, but the new sultan recalled this mission and sometime later sent his own embassy to Kashgar. Meanwhile, Yakub Bey, who was kept well-informed about these developments once more dispatched his trusted diplomat Yakub Khan to Istanbul via Bombay to congratulate the new sultan and renew the bonds of allegiance - that is, to perfonn the biat as required by Muslim political traditions.
Yakub Khan reached Istanbul in 1 and asked to see the sultan immediately, but the cautious Abdulhamid let him wait for about a month before receiving him. Apparently the Kashgar ruler had been advised by his agents in Istanbul about the power and influence of the Foreign Ministry and the need to gain its favor.
The Foreign Ministry, which during the most of Abdulmecid and Abdulaziz's reign, had been an almost autonomous center of power, then came under Abdulhamid's total control. In East Turkestan, meanwhile, the Chinese general Tso Tsung Tang , who was charged with pacifying the areas of Muslim rebellion in the northwest, including the areas controlled by the Dungans under MaHuaHung, moved steadily against the forces of Yakub Bey.
Tso finally solved his main logistical problem, which had delayed his westward march: the Russians, who had decided in to let the Chinese prevail in East Turkestan, agreed to supply Tso's forces with the badly needed grain. In 1 the Chinese general attacked and took over the cities east of Kashgar. He reached the Tarim basin in the spring of In May , during the Chinese offensive, Yakub Bey died in mysterious circumstances; some claimed that he had been poisoned by his enemies Hakim Han Tore while others said that he willingly took poison after he read a letter from the Chinese asking for his surrender.
Yakub Bey's death led to further fragmentation of his forces and supporters. Kuli Bey, his older son, killed his younger brother Haj Kuli Bey in front of their father's coffin, while local chiefs, such as the Kirghiz chief Sadik Bey, who had been defeated some thirteen years earlier by Yakub Bey rose and attacked the Kashgar forces. Finally Kuli Bey fled and sought sanctuary with the Russians in Tashkent.
By December of the Chinese army had entered Kashgar and put. Thus it appeared that the relations with Istanbul cultivated so assiduously by Yakub Khan, who was in Istanbul during these events and then went to London, could not assure the survival of Kashgaria and the pan-Islamic bridge Yakub Bey helped build between Istanbul and Central Asia.
On the surface, it all seemed to have come to an end once Yakub Bey died and the Chinese occupied Kashgar. The appearance was deceiving, however, because the links between Istanbul and Kashgar, long in existence and reinforced in the early 's on behalf of Muslim solidarity - and mutual political interest - continued to bear fruit of sorts in the years to come. As late as , almost two years after the Chinese occupied Kashgar, Eddai Yakub Efendi, the Istanbul representative of the emirate of Kashgar, as the Ottoman chancery described him, addressed a petition to the sultan.
The petition first, and wisely, described the vilayet of Kashgar, as being rich, inhabited by some five million people and capable of producing a substantial tax yield. Then it described the specific circumstances that had accompanied the Chinese occupation of Kashgar, noting in particular the fact that the Chinese occupied the city without any fight or resistance on the part of its inhabitants, as had been the case in other Turkestani localities.
Mehmet Khan went on to assert that the Chinese troops had occupied a city that actually belonged to the Caliph, as indicated by the fact that his name adorned the Kashgar coins and was mentioned in the khutba on Friday. The petition claimed that the Chinese themselves realized that Kashgar had a special status as it had not defended itself, implying that the Kashgaris did not resist the Chinese invaders because they considered themselves to be under the direct patronage of the Caliph and somehow outside the main conflict.
The Chinese in turn implicitly accepted the special status of Kashgar, for they left the administration of the entire vilayet totally in the hands of the Muslims. In conclusion the petition asked the sultan to consider sending a special envoy to remind China that Kashgar "was part of the sovereign Imperial Ottoman domains memalik-i mahruse-i mul- kadari and was occupied and conquered zabt ve teshir without war. There is no evidence yet available to indicate the response to this rather unusual and naive argument whereby it was sought to salvage something from the debacle that followed Yakub Bey's death and the Chinese occupation of Kashgar.
Sultan Abdulhamid H was too cautious a ruler to engage in hasty, unplanned action; however, he soon devised his own approach, first establishing friendly relations with the Chinese government and then sending an emissary to study the situation of the Chinese Muslims.
He eventually helped build a mosque and a Muslim university, which bore his name, in Beijing. The Sultan-Caliph also maintained intensive and secret contacts with the descendants of Yakub Bey, especially Kuli Bey, who had succeeded his father.
It should be remembered that Kuli Bey had taken refuge with the Russians in Tashkent. The Russians had committed themselves to return the district of Hi to China, although they managed through the treaty of Livadia to retain some. Three years later, in , the Chinese gave the conquered lands of East Turkestan the name of Xinjiang New Province although the population of the area was almost entirely Muslim and Turkic- Uighur -speaking. Kuli Bey did not stay long in Tashkent. In a confidential letter sent to Istanbul the letter was brought by a trusted emissary first to Molla Mehmet, another Kashgari representative in Istanbul , he informed the Porte how he had expressed several times his allegiance to the Caliph.
He wrote that he had taken refuge with the Russiaas in Tashkent only with the ultimate purpose of going to Istanbul. Despite the good treatment accorded to him by the Russians, Kuli Bey was determined to pursue this goal. Consequently, he wrote, he had left Tashkent on 14 Cemaziyulahir and reached Hocabey on 16 Saban the year is not clear and hoped to arrive at the Ottoman capital soon. During an interview, which seems to have been short, the sultan asked Kuli Bey to provide him with a report about the events in Kashgar.
Kuli Bey complied, submitting a fairly lengthy report that included "information that he could not relate orally" during his meeting with the sultan. Kuli Bey wrote that his father, after twelve years of struggle was able to establish in Kashgar a "Muslim government. According to Kuli Bey his father rejected British and Russian proposals for trade and friendship not only because of their possible harm to Kashgar, but also because such friendships were contrary to the idea of an Islamic Union.
Kuli Bey deplored the internecine struggle that had developed after the death of his father and referred to the fact that his own right to inherit the position held by his father had been confirmed by the Caliph.
The Ottomans learned and practiced advanced mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, physics, geography and chemistry. Additionally, some of the greatest advances in medicine were made by the Ottomans. They invented several surgical instruments that are still used today, such as forceps, catheters, scalpels, pincers and lancets.
When a new Sultan was crowned, his brothers would be imprisoned. This system ensured that the rightful heir would take the throne.
But, not every Sultan followed this harsh ritual. Over time, the practice evolved. In the later years, the brothers would only be put in prison—not killed. A total of 36 Sultans ruled the Ottoman Empire between and For many of these years, the Ottoman Sultan would live in the elaborate Topkapi palace complex in Istanbul. It contained dozens of gardens, courtyards and residential and administrative buildings.
Part of the Topkapi palace included the harem, a separate quarters reserved for wives, concubines and female slaves. These women were positioned to serve the Sultan, while the men in the harem complex were typically eunuchs. The threat of assassination was always a concern for a Sultan.
He relocated every night as a safety measure. Some millets paid taxes, while others were exempt. In the 14th century, the devshirme system was created. This required conquered Christians to give up 20 percent of their male children to the state. The children were forced to convert to Islam and become slaves. Although they served as slaves, some of the converts became powerful and wealthy.
Many were trained for government service or the Ottoman military. The elite military group, known as the Janissaries, was primarily made up of forced Christian converts.
Starting in the s, the Ottoman Empire began to lose its economic and military dominance to Europe. Around this time, Europe had strengthened rapidly with the Renaissance and the dawn of the Industrial Revolution.
Other factors, such as poor leadership and having to compete with trade from the Americas and India, led to the weakening of the empire. In , the Ottoman Turks were defeated at the Battle of Vienna. This loss added to their already waning status. Over the next hundred years, the empire began to lose key regions of land. After a revolt, Greece won their independence from the Ottoman Empire in During the Balkan Wars , which took place in and , the Ottoman Empire lost nearly all their territories in Europe.
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